à l'allure garçonnière

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“It is a fashion that has spawned a slew of neologisms among postmodern geographers: “dead zone,” “nameless space,” “blank space,” “liminal space,” “urban void,” “terrain vague, “gapspace,” “drosscape.”

– Alastair Bonnett, Unruly Places: Lost Spaces, Secret Cities, and Other Inscrutable Geographies. (via batarde)

Trying to remind myself it’s okay to be sad for what feels like no reason sometimes. It’s okay to be alone. It’s okay to feel feelings.

fette:

Top, photograph by Luke Gilford, from the editorial L.A. Stories for V Magazine #79, Fall 2012. Via. Bottom, photograph by Adrees Latif/Reuters, A man is doused with milk after being hit with gas by security forces trying to disperse demonstrators protesting against the shooting of unarmed black teen Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, August 2014. Via.
—
The police are dealing with many more media people who want to interact with protesters very closely. I think in some ways they have difficulty separating who’s a protester, who is a media person. I mean, they’re all running around with cameras.
Robert Cohen, staff photographer at the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Via.
—
So it comes as little surprise that some media-watchers are beginning to argue that the reporters on the ground have lost their objectivity and are now, consciously or not, aligning themselves with the protesters and against the police. As Politico’s Dylan Byers put it Tuesday, “Any journalist who stands on the front lines will inevitably be pushed, prodded or find themselves on the receiving end of a rubber bullet or tear-gas canister. In such an environment, it becomes near impossible not to identify with the protester.” Hot Air’s Noah Rothman, whose piece prompted Byers’ post, had gone even further. It is “clear that the press is no longer serving as objective chroniclers of the proceedings,” Rothman concluded after offering a few caveats about the media’s right to challenge authority. “In many ways, the media appears to believe that it is an active participant in the events in Missouri.”
Josh Voorhees, Why the Media Is Siding With the Protesters, for Slate, August 2014.
—
The demand for more immediate knowledge has changed the game, and the attention market doesn’t pause for consideration — even when there are lives at stake.
 (…) It’s not just the fault of journalists, though. Now that Twitter and Instagram have brought the barriers to publication to just about zero in terms of time and resources and journalists can publish information as quickly as they can experience it, the public feels entitled to real-time information about any newsworthy event anywhere in the world. We earnestly believe we are meantto see and hear everything as it happens and that the world is always better off for our attention. Transparency becomes not a means to justice but an end in itself, and a slavish devotion to immediacy and openness undermines one of the most important journalistic virtues: discretion.
Malcom Harris, Unethical journalism can make Ferguson more dangerous, for Aljazeera, August 2014. Via.

fette:

Top, photograph by Luke Gilford, from the editorial L.A. Stories for V Magazine #79, Fall 2012. Via. Bottom, photograph by Adrees Latif/Reuters, A man is doused with milk after being hit with gas by security forces trying to disperse demonstrators protesting against the shooting of unarmed black teen Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, August 2014. Via.

The police are dealing with many more media people who want to interact with protesters very closely. I think in some ways they have difficulty separating who’s a protester, who is a media person. I mean, they’re all running around with cameras.

Robert Cohen, staff photographer at the St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Via.

So it comes as little surprise that some media-watchers are beginning to argue that the reporters on the ground have lost their objectivity and are now, consciously or not, aligning themselves with the protesters and against the police. As Politico’s Dylan Byers put it Tuesday, “Any journalist who stands on the front lines will inevitably be pushed, prodded or find themselves on the receiving end of a rubber bullet or tear-gas canister. In such an environment, it becomes near impossible not to identify with the protester.” Hot Air’s Noah Rothman, whose piece prompted Byers’ post, had gone even further. It is “clear that the press is no longer serving as objective chroniclers of the proceedings,” Rothman concluded after offering a few caveats about the media’s right to challenge authority. “In many ways, the media appears to believe that it is an active participant in the events in Missouri.”

Josh Voorhees, Why the Media Is Siding With the Protesters, for Slate, August 2014.

The demand for more immediate knowledge has changed the game, and the attention market doesn’t pause for consideration — even when there are lives at stake.

 (…) It’s not just the fault of journalists, though. Now that Twitter and Instagram have brought the barriers to publication to just about zero in terms of time and resources and journalists can publish information as quickly as they can experience it, the public feels entitled to real-time information about any newsworthy event anywhere in the world. We earnestly believe we are meantto see and hear everything as it happens and that the world is always better off for our attention. Transparency becomes not a means to justice but an end in itself, and a slavish devotion to immediacy and openness undermines one of the most important journalistic virtues: discretion.

Malcom Harris, Unethical journalism can make Ferguson more dangerous, for Aljazeera, August 2014. Via.

gradientlair:

While Black experiences with racism and anti-Blackness are used as analogies/metaphors and narratives to shape the experiences of non-Black people while erasing Black people’s experiences and humanity (as I discussed in White People Using Blackness and Anti-Black Racism Analogies For Their Experiences Is NOT Intersectionality), these experiences past and present are indicative of our lives, our history, our deaths. A reality. Not an anecdote to lead into something else. 

Michael Brown's execution and all of these extrajudicial executions are indicative of violence that never was truly “past” as it is always present. And it is a REALITY—not a metaphor—with a human cost in Black mental and physical health, in Black safety, in Black bodies. 

Below are the links mentioned in the tweets that I sent above: Black Women Were Lynched TooConsuming Black DeathFamily of Michael Brown, Teenager Shot to Death By Ferguson Police, Talks About His Life.

And look, I am disinterested in White supremacist sociopaths, anti-Black non-Black people of colour or unfortunately some Black people who have internalized racism and believe that the politics of respectability can protect us to now throw out the violent lie, derailment and misnomer (“Black on Black crime” is a misnomer and epistemic violence) that Black people “don’t care about intraracial crime.” This is a VIOLENT type of derailment and is dehumanization. When every race has intraracial crime yet only Black people are deemed to “not care” despite evidence to contrary and then civilian crime is juxtaposed to extrajudicial executions as modern lynchings and State violence? The false equalization is not solely epistemic violence; it is a direct attack on the mental health and well-being of Black people. Save it. (And notably, this derailment only addresses violence between cishet Black men; never a mention about any other Black people cared about or not.)

Black life is valuable in it of itself. Not solely as a trope for consumption with erasure and a demand that we feel gleeful about the erasure to prove “solidarity.” Anti-Blackness and misogynoir are not “progressive.” Michael Brown’s life MATTERED…FULL STOP.

Peace to every Black victim and family of this violence. (My own family is one of them, by the way.)

Peace to Michael Brown’s mother and his family. 

“Every time police brutality goes unrecognized, is excused, or worse yet, is lauded by those who think victims must deserve it by virtue of their address and skin color, it damages our society. If the police are meant to protect and serve, then the question of who they are protecting, and how they are serving, must be asked and answered.”

– Mykki Kendall, in How Social Media Changed the Conversation on #Ferguson (August 17, 2014)

Further Reading

thenewinquiry:

To Supplement Dr. Christina Sharpe’s essay, Black Life, Annotated, TNI asked Sharpe to create a syllabus for further reading on the subject and she graciously obliged, with help from Mariame Kaba and Dr. Tamara Nopper.

Introduction to The Prison Industrial Complex

I recommend everything on the blog Prison Culture “How the PIC Structures Our World…”

The Black Youth Project

Young People Continue To Talk About the Cops

Louder Than A Bomb 2014: Chicago Youth Have Their Say 

Nicholas K. Peart, “Why Is the N.Y.P.D. After Me?

C Angel Torres and Naima Paz, Young Women’s Empowerment Project’s Bad Encounter Line zine

Rose Brewer and Nancy Heitzeg, The Racialization of Crime and Punishment: Criminal Justice, Color-Blind Racism, and the Political Economy of the Prison Industrial Complex

Sylvia Wynter, “No Humans Involved: An Open Letter to My Colleagues

On Fugitivity and Captivity

Slave narratives, from Harriet Jacobs’ Incidents in the Life of A Slave Girl: Written by Herself, to Frederick Douglass’s Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass An American Slave: Written by Himself, to David Walker’s Appeal, to Ida B. Well’s The Red Record

Keguro Macharia, fugitivity

Fred Moten and Stefano Harvey, The Undercommons: Fugitive Planning & Black Study

Tavia Nyong’o, Black Survival in the Uchromatic Dark